Trans Internet-Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften 16. Nr. April 2006

9.4. Translation and Ideology
Herausgeberin | Editor | Éditeur: Nitsa Ben-Ari (Tel Aviv University)

Dokumentation | Documentation | Documentation

Bridging over the Conflict - the Ideology behind Translations of Arabic Literature into Hebrew (1896-2006)

Hannah Amit-Kochavi (Department of translation and interpreting Studies, Bar Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel and the Arabic department, Beit Berl College, Beit Berl Post, Israel)




Arabic literature has been translated into Hebrew for over a century. However, Hebrew target culture, which has always welcomed translations from a variety of foreign languages, has assigned Arabic literature a minor position.

This is mainly due to political circumstances - the ongoing Israeli-Arab conflict has only been partially resolved through peace contracts. Arabs and their culture have been perceived by Western-oriented Israeli culture as either arch-enemies or as abstract figures representing attractive oriental images and even the Biblical forefathers of the Jewish people.

However, since the advent of Zionism there have been individuals and groups who sought to reconcile Jews and Arabs and who mastered and cherished Arabic language and culture. Translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew have been made, disseminated and used in an attempt to bring about Jewish-Arab mutual understanding and coexistence in the naive belief they could help bring about peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors.

The present paper will survey the various ideologies behind these translations as expressed by the translators and demonstrate how translations were alternately used to justify the return of the Jewish people to their historical homeland, to try and solve the Jewish-Arab conflict, to contribute to peace education, to celebrate the peace contract between Israel and Egypt (1979) and to protest against the Lebanon war (1982).


Arabic literature has been translated into Hebrew by Jews, Arabs and Druze for over a century. However, Hebrew target culture, which has always welcomed translations from a variety of foreign languages that enriched it and provided models for its development, has assigned Arabic literature a minor position.

This is mainly due to political circumstances - the ongoing century-old conflict between Jews and Arabs as well as between Israel and several Arab countries has been but partially resolved through peace contracts. Arabs and their culture have been perceived by Western-oriented Israeli culture as either arch-enemies or as abstract figures representing attractive oriental images and even as the Biblical forefathers of the Jewish people. Arabic language and culture are little known to most Israeli Jews, with the exception of those many Israeli Jews who are natives of such Arab countries as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and Yemen and those relatively few who have studied Arabic at the high school and university level. Translations from Arabic into Hebrew, then, have been relatively few and they have failed to exert any long term influence on Israeli Hebrew literature and culture.

And yet, since the advent of Zionism and up to the present, there have been attempts by Jewish individuals and groups to reconcile Jews and Arabs and in the process mastered and cherished the Arabic language and culture. Translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew have been incessantly made, disseminated and used in an attempt to bring about Jewish-Arab mutual understanding and coexistence in the naive belief that literary translation could help bring about peace between Jews and Arabs on an individual basis as well as between Israel and the Arab neighboring countries.

The present paper will survey the ideologies behind these translations and demonstrate how they were used to such different public ends as justifying the return of the Jewish people to its historical homeland, reconciling the Jewish-Arab conflict, contributing to peace education, celebration of the peace contract between Israel and Egypt (1979) and protest against the Lebanon war (1982).


1. Translating Ancient Arabic Poetry - A New Jew modeled on the Ancient Arab

The first instance of an ideology reflected by translations is found in the earliest translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew. They were made by Jerusalem scholars of Iraqi origin for whom speaking Arabic and living among Arabs complemented their ardent Zionist belief and activity. Professors David Yelin and Avraham Shalom Yahuda translated ancient Arabic poetry and published it in the Zionist Hebrew magazine Luakh EretzYisrael[= the Palestine Annual] (1896-1916) dedicated to the description and praise of the then nascent Jewish settlement in Palestine.

All the translated poems pertained to pre-Islamic Jahiliyyah and were selected from the famous anthology Diwaan al- Hamaasah by Abu Tamam (d. 850 AD). They all pertained to the genre of Hamasah, the poetry of war and courage, depicting such social values as valor, courage and devotion to one's tribe and generous hospitality traditionally cherished by Arabic culture. It may seem strange and paradoxical that Zionist Jews should adapt the basic values of their opponents. The translators, however, as well as the editor of the annual, Avraham Moshe Lunz (1854-1918), who continuously published their translations and even republished some of them in special booklets because of their popularity, considered translation as a bridge sent from the Jewish over to the Arab side as well as a reassertion of their own claim on Palestine. The translators, who were natives of Jerusalem, sought to help Jewish immigrants build up a new Jewish identity, replacing the miserable Diaspora Jew with a brave new one modeled on the courageous Arab depicted in his ancient poetry. Thus Avraham Shalom Yehezkel Yahuda (1877-1951) wrote in his preface to Nedivei ve- Giborei 'Arav [= Arab Noblemen and Heroes], a collection of translated ancient Arabic poetry he published in the Luah:

"Hebrew readers are sure to enjoy learning the ways of the Arab people, their customs and habits since they became a single people upon the earth... for they were much like those of our ancestors in manner, habit and generosity, feeding the hungry and faithfully defending their neighbour and those seeking shelter in their tents... at the time when they were still peacefully sitting upon their land. Hebrew readers may further rejoice to learn that many of our brethren, the children of Israel, then peacefully lived among the Arabs.. and that they, too, were not inferior to the Arabs, for like them they begot such great noblemen as 'Adayah and Shmuel [= as-Samawal] (1) his son, who dedicated their entire lives to doing good to their neighbours as well as to the people amongst whom they were living, that out of them, too, sprang up some heroes, and that they, too, made themselves a great name in the history of the Arabs though their ventures, faith, bravery and poetry" [My translation - HAK], (Luah 1896: 89-90).

This sentimental elaboration of the figure of a Jahili Jewish poet overtly advocates the Arab model to be imitated, while covertly propagating coexistence between the two nations on the basis of a presumed shared glorious past. The past is directly projected onto the present with no reference whatsoever to the completely different political circumstances. In fact, the Arab peninsula had been exclusively dominated by Arab tribes at the time when Jahili poetry was composed and those few Jewish tribes who lived among them were annexed to the Arab tribes by agreement rather than as full equals. The late 19th and early 20th centuries, by contrast, witnessed the first stages of a Jewish-Arab conflict over predominance, land ownership and demographic presence in Palestine rather than Arabia, demographic presence, and there was a vast cultural gap between Arab tradition and culture and those imported by immigrant Jews from Eastern Europe. Trying to resolve this serious conflict through translation was naïve, and this activity was carried out exclusively on the Jewish side, with no Arab parallel of translating classical Hebrew texts into Arabic. This practice and belief have, however, persisted. Thus as late as 1965, almost 70 years later, Yosef Ne’eman, an amateur translator of both classical and neo-classical Arabic poetry, published a small anthology of translations of Arabic poetry. Unlike his predecessors he chose the texts according to poetic-aesthetic criteria - they combined descriptions of the beauty of nature with praise of the same social values cherished by earlier translations but were not as militant as the earlier ones. The anthology was preceded by a rhymed motto:

"The thinking of our nations has always been similar/ may we understand each other once again!" [My translation - HAK], (Ne’eman 1965, p. 2).

This noble sentiment is extremely vague and does not refer to any concrete historical facts. The texts had very little to do with this wish with one exception - the inclusion of as-Samawal’s poem previously translated by Yelin (Yelin 1929), although Ne’eman did not explicitly refer to the poet’s presumed Jewish identity. Like his predecessors, Ne’eman did not pause to consider the chronological gap between the texts pertaining to the time span between texts composed in the 6th century AD and the time of publication of their translations in the mid 60ies of the 20th century. He also said nothing of either the reason for his wish or of the current circumstances behind it.

Translations of Arabic classical poetry ceased almost completely after 1970 for reasons beyond the scope of the present paper. The next instances of the use of ideology refer to translations of modern Arabic literature.


2. Translating Modern Arabic literature in order to promote mutual understanding, support peace education and bring about peace in the Middle East

The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 was a landmark in the Israeli-Arab conflict. Since wars and military clashes became a constant reality, Arabs both in Israel and outside it were generally considered as a threat to both the state and its citizens.

Israeli Hebrew literature (Domb, 1982; Ramraus Rauch, 1989), the press and visual media (Schnitzer 1994) have mostly represented Arabs through derogatory and negative stereotypes and Israeli Arab citizens are still a long way from actually attaining their full civil rights (Benzimann and Mansoor, 1992).

There have been, however, individuals and institutions that expressed an opposite view as essential for the well being of the Middle East in general and of Israel in particular. Israeli official policy has always spoken of peace as one of the country’s main wishes and the Israeli Charter of Independence, signed by David Ben Gurion and Israeli Jewish political figures of different political parties, invites the neighboring Arab countries to cooperate with Israel in creating a mutual peaceful future. There are hundreds of different voluntary groups and projects where Israeli Jews and Arabs attempt to reach mutual understanding on both abstract and concrete ground. Translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew have often served as a tool used by these groups. In fact, the very use of a translated text, be it a short story or a poem, written by Arabs of any country of origin, has been considered in itself as an expression of support of such different ends as coexistence between Israeli Jewish and Arab citizens, peace between Israel and the neighboring Arab countries, protest against war and the Israeli occupation of Arab territories, invariably in the West Bank, Gazza Strip and Lebanon, or the celebration of a peace contract signed between Israel and an Arab neighbor, most notably - the Palestinian Authority (1993).

It is worth noting that the vast majority of the 160 translators who have translated Arabic literature into Hebrew over the last 110 years have expressed ideological views in media interviews, prefaces to their translations and personal communication with the present writer. They stated that they translated Arabic literature not only as such and stressed their ardent belief in the power of such translations to bridge language and cultural gaps between Jews and Arabs, to contribute to increasing the scant knowledge of most Israeli Jews with regard to Arabic society, customs and culture and to HELP BRING PEACE TO THE MIDDLE EAST AND SUPPORT JEWISH-ARAB MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING. Translators who expressed such views included Jews, Arabs and Druze who worked in fields where they made use of their command of Arabic acquired either as their mother tongue or as a second foreign language. They included lecturers of Arabic and Middle East Affairs, members of the Israeli Foreign Office, journalists, Arabic teachers, writers and poets. In fact, ideology has accounted for a large proportion of the translations from Arabic into Hebrew, most of which were prepared by individual translators and offered by them to publishers instead of the other way round.

Ideological translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew were made and sponsored by a number of cultural institutions dedicated to mutual understanding and peace education. Thus, for example, the Van Leer Institute of Jerusalem that nurtures democratic education published an anthology of 21 translated Arabic short stories, A Place upon this Earth (1986/1995) intended to serve as a high-school textbook, including a single Palestinian story, Ghassan Kanafani’s "Land of the Sad Oranges", translated by Shimon Ballas, an Iraq-born Hebrew writer and professor of modern Arabic literature, and published earlier in a Palestinian anthology he had compiled and translated (1970).

Another institution created in order to promote universal cultural aims also invested in promoting Israeli-Arab cultural contact through literary translation - Mishkenot Sha'nanim, a Jerusalem artist guesthouse (inaugurated 1973), normally hosts musical and literary events and workshops. It sponsors visits made by prominent musicians and writers from abroad and organizes both public international poetry festivals and local cultural events. Two of these activities have involved translations of Arabic literature. One of those was public - four international poetry festivals (1990; 1993; 1997; 1999; 2003) have included Arabic, Israeli, Palestinian, Yemenite and Iraqi in their poetry reading events and multilingual anthologies. The other one was secret, consisting of encounters between Israeli Jewish and Arab writers and their counterparts from the West Bank and Gazza Strip (1992-1995). These events, including long weekends at the institution's lovely guesthouse, were kept secret from both the public and the media, in order to protect the professed political neutrality of Mishkenot and the personal safety of the Palestinian participants.

Mishkenot Jewish-Arab secret writer encounters were intended to promote intercultual contact,in order to alleviate mutual mistrust and misunderstnding. Since they combined art with politics, participants were chosen according to both the literary merit of their work and their belief in the validity of such encounters. Each meeting dealt with a particular subject relevant to the Jewish-Arab conflict, e.g. affiliation to one's homeland and exile. Literary texts by both participants and other writers were read and discussed in Arabic, Hebrew and English. Although the Arab participants included only Arabs from Israel, the West Bank and Gazza Strip, the Arabic texts included Palestinian and Israeli Arab texts as well as modern Egyptian and classical Arabic texts, which have occupied a high position in Arabic culture and Israeli university Arabic departments. Their very inclusion served as a common denominator for both sides of the dialogue.

Much money and energy were invested in these encounters by Mishkenot. However, the limited distribution of the translations, most of which were made especially for the occasion, exclusively among the participants was a waste in terms of the small inventory of translations from Arabic into Hebrew and vice versa, while the secrecy of the encounters prevented them from having any public impact.

The Mishkenot international poetry festivals, by contrast, were prestigious cultural events covered by the media, broadcast on radio literary programs and accompanied by the publication of openly sold programs and anthologies. Arab poets were chosen by the festival advisory board, composed of Mishkenot staff and Israeli Hebrew writers, according to two criteria - geopolitical affiliation, in an attempt to make participants represent as broad a spectrum as possible of the Arab world, and the Arab poets' willingness to participate in a cultural event that takes place in Israel, in a building overlooking the ancient walls of Israeli-occupied East Jerusalem. Arab participants, therefore, came from a limited number of Middle Eastern countries, including Egypt and Jordan that have signed peace agreements with Israel. They were joined by very few long-time exiles from Iraq and Yemen, in order to compensate for the absence of poets from other Arab countries.

Arabic was given here priority over other languages - Arab poets constituted some 15% of the participants and about 25% of the non-Hebrew writers.

The financial and cultural independence of Mishkenot was reflected by the uncensored contents of the Palestinian poems read and published during the first three festivals, most of which expressed strong resentment of Israeli oppression.

Poems translated from Arabic into Hebrew and English were published in the festival anthologies side by side with all the other participating languages in order to emphasize the universality and equality symbolized by the international festival. On one occasion Palestinian poetry was given special preference when the 1993 poetry festival included a special reading of Hebrew and Arabic poems accompanied by a bilingual program in a festive event attended by both the Mayor of Jerusalem and the Israeli Minister of Culture. This was a literary celebration of the first Oslo Agreement between Israel and the Palestinian authority that had immediately preceded the festival.

Official Israeli institutions often used translations of Arabic literature into Hebrew in order to promote peace and coexistence in an exaggurated sugar-coated manner that intentionally ignored the seriousness of the conflict and attempted to present future dreams as if they were actual reality. Thus the Israeli Writers’ Union had included a poem by the Palestinian poet Rashed Husein in Literary works chosen by me..., an anthology of Hebrew literature as early as 1959, in order to officially demonstrate the presumed integration of the Arab population in young Israel. Husein’s poem, "To the Infants of my Country", called for mutual love and peace, speaking of the equally sweet innocent children on both sides. Husein’s other poetic works, where he openly expressed his proud Palestinian national identity and complained of the way he was treated by Israeli authorities and society, was left out of that anthology.

One of those poems had been published earlier in the daily Ha'aretz . It expressed Husein’s complaint that the doors of Kibbutz and Moshav, two typically Israeli Jewish settlement models, had shut him out. How, then, he asked, was he expected to praise Zionism that made no room for him? ( Ha'aretz 10.10.58).

The publication at that time of a poem written in this vein in a major Hebrew daily was made possible thanks to the ideological position of its literary editor, Binyamin Tamooz. Tamooz, a writer and sculptor, wrote short stories, in which he expressed nostalgia for his own childhood prior to 1948 and for the happy days he had spent with his Arab friends as young natives of the same land. His ideology was also reflected in his participation in the first Jewish-Arab literary encounter that had taken place at Tel Aviv shortly prior to the publication of Hussein’s poem ("Somekh", 1999). During that encounter, as in many that followed, works written by the participants were read in both Arabic and Hebrew translation and Husein’s poem must have been one of those.

Peace ideology also inspired some attempts at peace education and the publication of a few school textbooks on the subject. Eshnav [= A Small Window], a reader published in 1970 in the aftermath of the '67 war, was especially prepared for Hashomaer ha-Tza'ir, a Kibbutz left-wing movement that advocated Jewish-Arab coexistence. Ha-Darekh la-Shalom [= The Road to Peace], by contrast, was a bilingual reader intended for the general educational system, compiled by the Israeli Ministry of Education and Culture and published in 1994 to commemorate the first Oslo agreement. In both cases there was a direct link between political circumstances and the publication of the textbooks, and the texts included spoke directly in praise of peace.

A direct link between translation and political-ideological position was also demonstrated by special numbers of some literary magazines dedicated to Arabic literature in general or to a particular Arab literature, preferably Palestinian. Thus a special number dedicated to Arabic literature after the 1967 war was issued by Qeshet , a privately owned literary and intellectual magazine ( Qeshet 47, Spring 1970). Most of the literary works and articles translated from Arabic reflected the failure of the Arab armies in that war and the consequent regret and self-reproach expressed by many Arab poets and writers. A different use of Arabic texts in Hebrew translation was made in a special page under the title "Divrei Kibbushin", published in 1987 in the left wing daily Al Hamishmar to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Lebanon war. The Hebrew title carries a double meaning - a protest against occupation [= kibbush] and an admonition [= divrei kibbushim] of the Israeli side]. The texts included two Palestinian poems and a Hebrew one rather than Lebanese. All of them expressed strong criticism of war and cruelty, sharing the same anger and dominated by the same atmosphere of lament and protest.


3. Ideological Publishing Houses

Literary translations from Arabic into Hebrew have been sporadically published by numerous publishing houses for reasons beyond the scope of the present paper (for further details see Amit-Kochavi 1999, chapter 3)

While most publishers published a single Arabic title or a small number of titles, several attempts have been made to create a more permanent presence of Arabic literature within Israeli Hebrew culture. In addition to several short-lived series of translation initiated by editors and translators, there have been two small independent publishing houses that exclusively published translations of Arabic literature, while openly expressing the ideology behind these projects.

The first one of those was Mifras, (1978-1993), established in order to introduce Hebrew readers to texts dealing with issues outside the Israeli political and cultural consensus at the time. The editors openly defined their aim as the publication of "literature that introduces [its readers] to understanding both Arab society and the individuals who constitute it... belles lettres that deal with the basic problems of the individual in Arab society" (editors’ note, Kanafany, 1978, p.1). This social statement was further reinforced by political ideology, as expressed by the editor of the first volume, Shimon Ballas - "Literature is the best tool to reflect both private and public life and is the most efficient one to bring about mutual understanding between nations" (ibid. p. 12). All nine literary titles published by Mifras were translations from Arabic, including five Palestinian titles (55%!), the largest number of long translations from Arabic published until then by any single Israeli publishing house, three of which were by woman writers. Mifras titles depicted the Lebanon civil war in Death in Beirut (1983) and concentrated on the Palestinian plight, This was done through a number of titles. The refugee problem was described in two novellas by Ghassan Kanafani - Men in the Sun

and What's Left to You (1978). The double-edged situation of Israeli Arabs was described in the novel The Pessoptimist by Emile Habibi (1984). The Palestinian identity conflict was demonstrated by The Two Halves of theOrange (1991), a literary correspondence between two major Palestinian poets Mahmoud Darwish and his colleague Samih el-Qasem. Palestinian resistence to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gazza Strip was described by two Palestinian woman writers - Sahar Khaleefah (the novel Sunflower, 1987) and Fadwah Tuqan (her autobiographical memoir A Difficult Journey up the Mountain , 1993).

One of the main contributions of Mifras to Israeli Hebrew culture consisted in the courageous pioneering publication of texts that more prominent central publishing houses would not publish. Mifras closed down in 1993, when its publishers decided to dedicate themselves to the active struggle for social rather than political causes.

The Andalus publishing house (2000-2006) has adapted the same ideology as its predecessor. The 11 titles it has published, including short story and poetry collections, novels and novellas, reflect a similar ideological trend, combining strong criticism of social and political injustice on the Arab world and giving some priority to women’s literature (three titles out of ten compared with four out of nine for Mifras). It also gave special priority to Palestinian titles (four for Mifras and six for Andalus). However, unlike Mifras, which included its credo in all of its titles, Andalus founder, Yael Lerrer, has instead used the media to discuss the political and social themes depicted by the Andalus titles. The titles chosen by Andalus were even more blatant and openly critical then those chosen by Mifras. The editor has repeatedly complained of the low rate of sales of her books, accusing Israeli Jewish readers of prejudice towards Arabs and their culture which she considered as the main reason for the financial failure of her enterprise that has recently made her slow down the activities of her publishing house.

To sum up - the 110 years that have elapsed between 1896 and 2006 have witnessed the perpetuation of the Jewish-Arab conflict in Palestine as well as the strenuous and naive efforts made by translators, editors and publishers to try to help solve it. These sincere efforts have been inspired by an ideology, whose focus has shifted from the justification of Zionism, as done by Yelin and Yahudah, to the acceptance of the Palestinian point of view, as done by Ballas, Mifras and Andalus.

In the hope that steps towards solving the conflict successfully will continue to be taken by both sides in the real rather than the literary world, I would like to continue studying the connection between reality and translation ideology in better days to come.

© Hannah Amit-Kochavi (Bar Ilan University, Israel)


(1) As-Samawal, a Jahili Jewish poet and Sayyid [= tribe leader], is considered by Arabic culture to be the epitome of faithfulness. This goes back to an ancient story, reflected in the saying "awfa min as-Samawal" [ = more faithful than as-Samawal]. He is said to have kept his faith to his friend, prince poet Imruu al-Qais, when the latter, fleeing his enemies, left his family weapons and money in his keep. As-Samawal refused to hand them over to his friend's enemies, even when they killed a son of his whom they had captured.( Diwaan al-Hamaasah, vol. I , p.36 ).It should be noted that Prof. Yahuda used the Hebrew form of the hero's name in order to emphasize that he was a Jew, since the magazine in which the translation was published addressed a general Jewish readership rather than Jewish academic experts of Arabic, of which there were very few at the time.


Abu Tamaam, Habib b. Aws a't-'Taaii - Diwaan al-Hamaasah [in Arabic], vol. I, 2nd edition, Cairo: Maktabat wa Matba'at Muhammad 'Ali 'Subayh as-Sakeeni, (n.d.).

Amir, Aharon (ed.) - Qeshet 47, Hoveret la-Sifrut ha-’Arvit Aharei ‘67 [= A special number devoted to Arabic Literature in the aftermath of the ‘67 war], (1970) [in Hebrew].

Amit-Kochavi, Hannah
"Israeli Arabic Literature in Hebrew Translation - Initiation, Dissemination and Reception". The Translator 2:1. (1996), 27-44.
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Ballas, Shimon
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Benzimann, Uzi and ‘Atallah Mansoor - Dayyarei Mishneh - ‘Arviyei Yisrael, Ma’amadam ve-ha-Mediniut kelapeihem [= Subtenants - Israeli Arabs and the policy according to which they are treated]. Jerusalem: Keter, (1992), [in Hebrew].

David, Yonah (ed.) - ... Et Asher Baharti ba-Shirah [ = A poetry anthology of my own choice], Tel Aviv: Hadar, (1959), [in Hebrew].

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Elad-Bouskila, Ami - Modern Palestinian Literature and Culture, London * Portland Or: Frank Cass, (1999).

Even Zohar, Itamar
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Israeli ministry of Education - Ha-darekh la-Shalom [ = The road to peace], (1994) [in Hebrew].

Lunz, Avraham Moshe (ed.) - Luakh Eretz Yisrael [= the Palestine Annual], (1896-1916) , [in Hebrew].

Michael, Sami - "Hunting the Gazelle", in Sasson Somekh (ed.) Translation as a Challenge, Papers on Translation of Arabic Literature into Hebrew. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University and The Institute for Arabic Studies, Givat Haviva, (1993), 7-10.[in Hebrew]

Ne’eman, Yosef - Mivhar ha-shirah ha’Arvit [= Selected Arabic poetry], Tel Aviv: Kiryat Sefer, 1965), [in Hebrew].

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Some Reviews. Tel Aviv: Kinneret Publishing House, (1994), [in Hebrew]

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Somekh, Sasson (1999) - "‘ Reconciling Two Great Loves’ - The First Jewish-Arab Encounter in Israel", Israel Studies, 4:1, (1999), 1-21.

Unknown editor - Eshnav [= Small window], Ha-shomer ha-tza’ir, (1970).

Yahudah, Avraham Shalom - Nedivei ve Giborei Arav[= Arab Heroes and Noblemen], preface. Luah Eretz Yisrael , Jerusalem: Lunz Publishing House, (1896), [in Hebrew].

Yelin, David - "Melitzat Yisrael al-Admat Yishmael", Ketavim Nivharin II [=Jewish literary works written in Ishmael’s land, selected writings, vol. 2], Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, (1929), [in Hebrew].

9.4. Translation and Ideology

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For quotation purposes:
Hannah Amit-Kochavi (Bar Ilan University, Israel): Bridging over the Conflict - the Ideology behind Translations of Arabic Literature into Hebrew (1896-2006). In: TRANS. Internet-Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften. No. 16/2005. WWW:

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