BELARBI Khaled
Laboratoire LMD LEASTD
Université Ibn Khaldoun -Tiaret

Abstract: This paper is part of a long research that represents an investigation about the functions of code switching in the Algerian mass media and what journalists might add to their speech when they switch between languages. Our aim was to shed light on the importance of bilingualism in giving speech continuity, emphasis and also clarification in some cases. We collected data from “le quotidian d’Oran” newspaper, the local radio of Tiaret and other TV channels such as El Haddaf, Ennahar and Echorouk. The data collected were analysed under the frame of discourse analysis in order to prove that such excessive use of CS instances represents a positive strategy for speakers.

Keywords: the Algerian mass media, code switching, discourse analysis, bilingualism and media discourse.

1. Introduction:

Today almost everyone in Algeria is a bilingual speaker because of their ability to shift between French and Arabic has become quite a normal phenomenon in formal and informal conversations. Code alternation is a habit and a common practice since there is a tendency to mix French and Algerian Arabic in a single conversation. French words and expressions have a special importance as they are not only distinctive expressions; rather they are deeply rooted in the thinking of the speaking community.

As far as the Algerian mass media are concerned, we noticed that there is a great deal of code switching instances in the Algerian T.V channels, newspapers, magazines…etc. but what really interests us is the mixture of (French / Algerian Arabic), (Algerian Arabic / French). However, the use of this strategy i.e. CS is not without effects and without hidden purposes.

In the present paper, we will give a brief description of the term discourse analysis, its origins and some important studies in the field, and then we will move to the analysis of the data gathered from the different mass media through audio-recording from TV and radio and via newspaper collection.

2. Discourse Analysis: Definitions, Origin and Earliest Studies

Originally, the concept of ‘discourse analysis’ was first introduced by Zellig Harris (1952)², who published his influential article in the journal Language. He defines discourse analysis as “a method for the analysis of connected speech (or writing)” that, firstly, goes beyond the limits of a single sentence and, secondly, correlates culture (in a meaning of non-linguistic behaviour) and language. Harris views discourse as the next level in a hierarchy of morphemes, clauses and sentences. His view has been criticised due to the results shown by researchers like Chafe (1980, 1987, 1992), who rightfully argued that not all the units used by people in their speech can be categorised as sentences. People generally produce units that have a semantic and an intentional closure, but not necessarily a syntactic one.

In studying the emergence of this field, we can say that it is not the result of linguistic research only, but there is a great number of researchers who engaged in other domains of enquiry such as anthropology, ethnography, micro-sociology, cognitive and social psychology, poetics, rhetoric, stylistics, semiotics, and other disciplines in the humanities and social sciences interested in the systematic study of the structures, functions, and processing of text and talk.

Consequently, the field of DA crosses the linguistics border into different and varied domains. As Van Dijk (2002: 10) notes:

…discourse analysis for me is essentially multidisciplinary, and involves linguistics, poetics, semiotics, psychology, sociology, anthropology, history, and communication research. What I find crucial though is that precisely because of its multi-faceted nature, this multidisciplinary research should be integrated. We should devise theories that are complex and account both for the textual, the cognitive, the social, the political and the historical dimension of discourse.

When they analyse discourse, researchers are not only concerned with “purely” linguistic facts; they pay equal or more attention to language use in relation to social, political and cultural aspects.

Slembrouck (2005:1) points out the vagueness of the term discourse analysis and provides another extensive definition:

The term discourse analysis is very ambiguous. I will use it in this book to refer mainly to the linguistic analysis of naturally occurring connected speech or written discourse. Roughly speaking, it refers to attempts to study the organisation of language above the sentence or above the clause, and therefore to study larger linguistic units, such as conversational exchanges or written texts. It follows that discourse analysis is also concerned with language use in social contexts, and in particular with interaction or dialogue between speakers.

The approach that seems most purposeful in relation to the aims of this project is discourse analysis, which is utilised within many different fields of research, and for multiple purposes. A common trait across disciplines is that discourse analysts are interested in looking at language at a higher level: ‘Discourse analysis has moved the description of structure up a level, looking at actual stretches of connected text or transcript and providing descriptions of the structure of paragraphs, stories, and conversations’ (Johnstone 2002:5). Media discourses, which form the material to be studied here, are indeed longer stretches of connected text, and discourse analysis therefore seems appropriate to utilise as a means of revealing different linguistic traits in the Algerian mass media.

In the present work, discourse analysis is seen as a theoretical framework and as a practical methodological approach simultaneously. In Discourse Analysis, Barbara Johnstone stresses that discourse analysis should not be seen as a discipline, but: ‘as a research method that can be (and is being) used by scholars with a variety of academic and non-academic affiliations, coming from a variety of disciplines, to answer a variety of questions’ (2002:xi). The elusiveness of the term makes it a widely applied label for studies within a great range of fields.

Johnstone also provides a straightforward definition when she claims that: ‘discourse analysis is the study of language, in the everyday sense in which most people use the term’ (2002:2). Further she states that: ‘Texts and their interpretations are shaped by the structural resources that are available and the structural choices text-builders make’ (2002:12). As the aim here is to achieve insight on language use in media discourses and the linguistic choices made, it seemed appropriate to opt for a methodology based on discourse analysis.

To define discourse analysis within the realms which it will be used for the present purposes, a quote collected from A Dictionary of Media and Communication Studies is appropriate. Here, discourse analysis is described as a:

Form of MASS COMMUNICATION analysis which concentrates upon the ways in which the media convey information, focusing on the LANGUAGE of presentation – linguistic patterns, word and phrase selection (lexical choices), grammatical constructions and story coherence. In particular, discourse analysis sets out to account for the textual form in which the mass media present IDEOLOGY to readership or audience.

3. Data collection:

As it was mentioned above, data were collected through audio-recording of stretches from the local radio channel of Tiaret city and other Algerian TV channels and by collecting some articles from “le quotidian d’Oran” newspaper.

4. Findings

The findings for this research were divided into two categories: the first one are the findings of the function of code switching in the participants’ oral discourse, and the second one represent the findings of the oral discourse analysis.

4.1. Discourse-related Code Switching

Discourse-related code-switching is the umbrella of many of the code switching functions since it is used to put in order the conversation or piece of speech. As Auer, (1998) mentioned “the use of code-switching to organize the conversation». Within the code-switching functions belonging to the discourse-related code switching are: untranslatability, floor-holding, and equivalence. These will be described and exemplified next.

4.1.2. Untranslatability

In the analysis process of the audio recordings taken from the observations, it was found that our respondents used to switch some words or phrases because there was not exact translation in to the other language (Koziol, 2000). Here is one example of the use of untranslatability:

Son village règne et ses fêtes de sidi Blel, ses ouaadates millénaires de sidi Ahmed El Mejdoub.
“His village reigns and its festivals of Sidi Blel, its thousand-year-old Uyadates of sidi Ahmed El Mejdoub.”

In the example above the journalist was talking about ceremonies which are held yearly in some cities to celebrate an event. He used code switching to refer to the word “ouaadates” which does not have any exact translation into French. The use of untranslatability is common when what the speaker intends to express is a word or phrase that has a specific cultural meaning that only people who share the same cultural background are able to recognize and understand.

4.1.3. Reiteration Code Switching

In doing the analysis, we found that participants used reiteration code switching to repeat in French the same word that was mentioned before in order to clarify the message or emphasize it (Eldridge 1996; Gumperz 1982):

Nediweh goddem lmahkama, goddem la juridiction compétente yji yfehem klamo
We will take him in front of the court, in front of competent court to express himself

One of the participants used code switching by translating the word “mahkama” into the French equivalent to clarify information or to emphasize that word.

4.1.4. Floor-holding Code Switching

This function of code switching was found in the data collected in which the journalist switched a word, a phrase or a sentence into Algerian Arabic or French in order to maintain the conversation when he was expressing his ideas because of forgetfulness, lack of vocabulary or compensation (Eldridge 1996). Take a look to the following examples:

Mais pourrait-on continuer à confondre les causes et effets de faire systématiquement une khalouta de l’exception.
“But can we continue to confuse the causes and effects of systematically making a disorder of the exception.”

In the sentence above, the journalist wanted to continue with his idea without stopping the sentence because he did not know or did not remember the word “khalouta” in French.

4.1.5. Clarification Code Switching

The data collected from the audio-recordings showed that the journalist used code switching to clarify the message for the readers because the message was said in French and then clarify it in Algerian Arabic (Koziol, 2000).

Bni, bni, skoune, skout, kool, cool, koulchi yemchi… la paix sociale n’a pas de prix.
„Construct, construct, inhabit, do not speak, eat, cool, everything is working … social peace is priceless.“

In the above example, the journalist was talking about doing some actions. That was the main idea of the paragraph, so he switched to French in order to show to his readers that these actions are the price of social peace. His intention was to explain that the government tolerates them in order to have social peace and stability.

4.1.6. Code Switching as Quotations

The participants used code switching when they expressed something that other people have said (Gumperz, 1982; Ncoko 2000).

Il ne faisait pas un pas sans le « ya rayii…, gatli nebghik et moi j’ai pas entendu ya dellali »
He was not making a step without the „oh my opinion …, she said she I love you and I did not hear oh my guide“

In this example the journalist was showing the readers that the concerned person was always singing. So he started his sentence in French then he switched to Algerian Arabic so as to cite what he used to sing. Code switching in this example was clearly used as quotations.

4.1.7. Emphasis Code Switching

This function of code-switching means that the speaker switches into another language to highlight his/her point of view (Koziol, 2000). So, the data collected showed that participants used emphasis code switching to call the attention of the audience.

El hamdollah lyoum, les membres de l’assemblé général que je remercie encore une fois, ont une véritable leçon à ces gens hadi awwalan.
Thanks God today, members of general assembly that I thank another time, have a real lesson to these people, this is firstly.

In the above example, the participant used code switching as a way of calling the attention of the audience so that to put emphasis on the fact that the assembly members have done a good work which was as a lesson to people who did not believe in them.

4.2. Findings of the Analysis of the Respondents’ Oral Discourse

These findings about the oral discourse of the participants of this research work were taken from the data collected by the audio recordings. In this analysis, it was taken into account the fact that this population is bilingual, which refers to the use of two languages by an individual or a speech community (Nomura, 2003).

4.2.1. Semantic Discourse Analysis of the Participants

4.2.1.1. Macro-rule of Generalization

In the analysis of the data collected, we found out that one participant used a macro-rule of generalization to summarize in one sentence the main point he was addressing in the following pieces of discourse (paragraph).

Ana wahed rah je demande des explications men 3and l’arbitre 3la les cartons rouges, 3la les décision elli derhom, memba3d ja l insen hada elli ygolo 3lih mohafid, kima chefto jbedni mellour, la réaction ta3i c’est toute a fait normale, la réaction ta3i gotlo ana nahhi yeddek ki hdart m3ah hakda galli n3allaklek essebat galli koun tzid kelma n3allaklek essebat ntemma win kanet la réaction nta3i win ana golt kifech insen blokher y3llaklek essebat emmali elli yji ywelli yhedded les joueurs.
I am going to ask for clarifications from the referee for the red cards, for the decisions he took. After that came that man the one called the governor of the match, as you did see, he pulled me from the back, my reaction was normal, my reaction I said to him take your hand off, when I talked to him like that he told me that heprevent me from playing again he told me if you say another word you will not play again. At that time was my reaction when I said how can anyone prevent someone from playing, it means that anyone can threaten players. My translation

The participant used a macro rule of generalization in order to summarize the discourse (paragraph) he had expressed before in a short proposition. In this example, the intention of the participant was to summarize the whole idea of the paragraph from the example above in one sentence: “ntemma win kanet la réaction nta3i win ana golt kifech insen blokher y3llaklek essebat emmali elli yji ywelli yhedded les joueurs”. The paragraph explains what happened to this football player during a match, that is, that he had troubles with the referee of the match first and then he struggled with the governor too. In this example we can see how he summed up his discourse about the fight in only one sentence.

4.2.2. Pragmatic Discourse Analysis

4.2.2.1. Coherent Sequence in the Speech Acts (SA) despite Code Switching

From the analysis, it was shown that guest1 uses code switching without altering the coherence among speech acts of the whole discourse. Speech acts sequence is considered coherent if for example the first speech act is an assertion and the following one, although is an assertion as well, functions as an explanation or exemplification of the first one; or If the first one is a question the second one functions as an answer. In the following examples, the participant (guest1) uttered a coherent sequence of speech acts regardless the alternation of language.

Guest1:Oui kayen oui sans cité des noms kayen bezaf men habba wa daba wella yetla3 yched le micro.
Guest 1: yes there are yes without mentioning names there are many anyone who come is able to take the microphone

In this example, it is shown that the first speech act is an assertion and the following one is an explanation or exemplification of the previous one. The coherence between these speech acts is not interfered by the use of code switching since it is used to explain what she was saying before using an idiomatic expression that is supposed to be understood by the listeners because it is shared knowledge between the journalists and guests. This cultural knowledge or shared knowledge about the idiomatic expression “men habba wa daba” lets the listeners be able to understand what that phrase means (discourse) because it is conventionally shared. Code switching in this example functions as clarification with the intention of exemplifying because the guest 1 provided an example like the idiomatic expression mentioned before. The use of this idiom in Arabic was familiar for the audience and in that sense it helped to facilitate understanding of that specific topic.

4.2.2.2. Global Pragmatic Coherence despite Code Switching

From the analysis, it was shown that journalist 3 uses code switching perfectly without altering the intention of the whole discourse. It is possible to say whether a discourse is globally coherent or not by giving a macro speech act of a whole discourse. The macro-speech act has not to be expressed explicitly in the discourse, but it is deduced by the listeners; contrary to the macro-rules belonging to the semantics that do appear in the discourse expressed in a macro-proposition.

Journalist 3: Wsal win jbed roho menhom ya3ni l3ab hwayj wehdokhrin wahdo…
Guest 2:Ga3 nel3bo hwayej wahadna par exemple ana nel3ab a3mal wahdi bezzaf ana m3a lhadj Lakhdar nel3ab lkhawa nel3ab Boudaou nel3ab ‘caméracafé’ m3a Boumaiza tani konto 3ardino hnaya, kont ghadi nel3ab ‘3achour l3acher’ emeba3d ma ktebch el mektoub m3a Djaafer Kacem bessah par exemple…
Journalist 3: kont rayeh tel3ab f ‘3achour l3acher’ Rejlaoui, makbeltech le role?
Guest 2: Lala kbelt le role…
Journalist 3: Wech sra exactement?
Guest 2: Dork nfahmek ana m3a Djaafer Kacem elli nhayyih belmonassaba neftakdouh hada ramdan ey Djaafer Kacem hada le role mektoub liya…

Journalist 3: He retrieved from them I mean he played other acts alone…
Guest 2:We all play acts alone for example I perform many roles alone, I perform with lhadj Lakhdar I perform lkhawa I perform Boudaou perform ‘caméra café’ with Boumaiza you have invited here, I was going to perform in ‘3achour l3acher’ but there was ni destiny with Djaafer Kacem butfor example…
Journalist 3; you were going to perform a role in ‘3achour l3acher’ Rejlaoui, you did not accept the role?
Guest 2: No, no I accepted the role…
Journalist 3: What happened exactly?
Guest 2: I explain to you, I with Djaafer Kacem whom I salute for the occasion we are missing him this Ramadan ey Djaafer Kacem this le role was written for me…

In this example, the discourse of journalist 3 did not lose the global coherence in the SA despite the alternation of language. The intention of the discourse was to ask to a question that guest 2 was supposed to answer concerning the role he was going to perform. The type of speech act that journalist 3 used was an interrogative because he wanted to know what happened exactly to this actor.

In both questions he inserted words in French “le role”, “exactement” that replaced what he wanted to say in Standard Arabic or Algerian Arabic; this code switching in this case has the function of continuing with the speech without losing the coherence and the sequence of it.

4.2.2.3. Satisfactory Speech Acts

The data collected from the audio-recordings showed that Journalist 2; Guest 2 and Guest 3; uttered some speech acts that are considered satisfactory, since the speaker obtained what he wanted from the listeners (Van Dijk, 1999). Consider the following example:

Journalist 2: meme chefto ki tkelemti 3la ennas robama li ma welawech ya3arfo elfenwella ya3tolhhom… kima chefto chwia der des grimaces habbit nssakssih es que rak tchouf fennanin…..
Guest 2: rahi tegla3 f les grimaces, tdir les grimaces ya3tik question.
Journalist 2: Es que rak tchouf fennanin comidiyin sah yestahlo ykono fel prime time fi hada ramdan? A3mal comidiya es que rak tchoufha testahel prime time?
Guest 3: mechi ga3 mechi ga3, bessah kayna haja ana nehtarem dawk el djomhour wana nchouf belli mdari ki ykoun 3amal mlih howa yefrad roho howa yefrad roho wahdo ki ykoun 3amal radii tanik yben belli radii ma tekderch tghoch.
Journalist 2: also you did see when you spoke about people who may be do not know art or they were given… as I saw some facial expressions I wanted to ask him do you see artists…
Guest 2: she is avoiding facial expressions; if you do facial expressions he will ask you a question.
Guest 3: not all not all, but there is something I respect the audience’s taste and I see that when there is a good work it will impose itself impose itself alone and when there is a bad work it will be noticeable that it is bad you cannot cheat.

In this example, the second speech act provided by Journalist 2 “kima chefto chwia der des grimaces habbit nssakssih esque rak tchouf fennanin” essentially is an assertion; nevertheless, in this specific situation it functions as a kind of fun or joke. So, this speech act is satisfactory because the intention of Journalist 2 with this speech act was understood by Guests 2 and 3 who immediately answered correctly as expected. In other words, the journalist achieved what he intended with that speech act, an answer from the listeners.

The code switching here affected the discourse in a positive way since its function was “emphasis” used to highlight the importance of art, in which guest 3 did some facial expressions that represent a shared knowledge between the participants of the interaction (journalist and guests) as they pushed the journalist to ask further questions to his guests. Also, the use of French was necessary in this discourse since it allowed the journalist to continue his sentence easily i.e. it helped the flow of speech.

4.2.3. Cognitive Discourse Analysis

4.2.3.1. Journalists’ and Guests’ Shared Knowledge within Oral Discourse

Data from the observations and transcriptions of the audio-recordings revealed that journalists and their guests possessed the same knowledge about cultural issues that enable them to produce and interpret the discourse. Examples:

Journalist 2: dokhalaa habiti tgoli des intros
Guest 2:des intrus
Guest 1:oui voilà
Journalist 2: you mean intro
Guest 2:intruders
Guest 1:yes that’s it

This example shows there was a shared knowledge between guests and journalist which helped to understand the discourse. As all the guests who were participating in that programme knew about the field of cinema and comedy, and were familiar with all what was happening in it. That is why the journalist used a French word to avoid further explanation and ensure their comprehension. This was because he was talking about the topic related to their job as artists, so he used the second language to ensure a better understanding (cognitive development). The journalist spoke about people who have no relation with art and how they participate in its deterioration. He simply called them intruders although he mispronounced the word, both guests were very attentive and the first one corrected it then the second agreed on the idea that the journalist wanted to attend because they share the same knowledge about the topic and live in the same society

In terms of the code switching function, the one that fits this example is discourse-related for the reason that the journalist was trying to confirm the idea that there were intrudes in the field of art. Consequently, he had to use that terms to have sequence in the discourse and to facilitate his guests’ comprehension.

4.2.3.2. Presuppositions

In the data collected from the local radio station in Tiaret, it was shown that the journalist presupposed that the audience knew many things about the topic she was talking about and consequently, they will understand was she was asking for. Here is an example:

Kayen cinq milligrammes, kayen un milligramme, kayen zéro trois had lebra ida kanet metwafra 3andkom kadrin tsa3douna biha.
There is five milligrams, there is one milligram, there is zero three, if this seringe is available with you, you can help us with it.

In this example, the presupposition is on the “programme” of help for the sick and needy people”, because the journalist took for granted that the audience knew what she was talking about. Thus, they will understand perfectly because that programme brings medical and financial help to people, so she did not have to explain, but just mentioned some medicine names in French as a way to recognize them.

5. Conclusion

As a conclusion, we can say that the analysis of the data gathered shows that the use code switching in the Algerian mass media fulfils different functions such as helping in the continuity of speech, providing clarification, reporting a quotation etc… Moreover, we noticed that it has no negative effects on the discourse as a whole.

References

AUER, P. Ed, (1998), Code-Switching in Conversation, Routledge Edition, Berlin.
GUMPERZ, J. (1982). Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
JOHNSTONE, B (2002), Discourse Analysis. Blackwell Publishing. USA.
MYERS-SCOTTON, C (2006), Multiple Voices: An Introduction to Bilingualism. Blackwell Publishing Ltd: Oxford.
NOMURA, M. (2003) Bilingualism and multilingualism: a study of code-switching, 9, 1-13.
ROMAINE, S. (1989). Bilingualism. London: TJ Press Padstow Ltd
SCANNELL, P. (1998). ‘Media – language – world’, in A. Bell and Garrett, P. (eds.) Approaches to Media Discourse. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 251–267.
VAN DIJK T. (1997b), Discourse as Social Interaction. London: Sage
VIVIAN, J (2008). The Media of Mass Communication, 5th Edition, Allyn and Bacon, Singapore,
WARDHAUGH, R. (1985). How Conversation Works. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
WEI, Li (1998), “The Why and Who Questions in the Analysis of Conversational Code Switching” in Auer, P Ed, (1998), Code-Switching in Conversation, Routledge Edition, Berlin.
WEI, Li (Ed) (2007), The Bilingualism Reader, 2^nd Edition. Routledge Edition, Berlin.